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New rules to combat scam phone calls in France

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From January 1st, 2026, it’s going to become harder for international phone scammers to contact anyone with a French phone number.

Phone scammers calling from abroad often hide their real phone numbers using specialised software to disguise it as another number — often starting with a 06 or 07 prefix — to pretend they’re calling from a French phone number.

There are various signs that may indicate that your phone number has been ‘spoofed’.

You may notice, for example:

  • an increase in calls from numbers you don’t know, with callers telling you that you tried to reach them;
  • warning messages from your phone operator, who has detected suspicious activity with your phone number;
  • reports from several people of attempts at solicitation or fraud through calls from your phone number.

According to regulator, the Autorité de régulation des communications électroniques, des postes et de la distribution de la presse (Arcep), many fraudulent calls using spoofed phone numbers are made from abroad using specialist software to disguise their origins.

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Nearly 18,000 reports of identity theft of this type were recorded on the dedicated J’alerte l’Arcep platform between January and December 2025.

As of January 1st, 2026, French telephone operators will be required to automatically display the message “numéro masqué” (hidden number) for calls made from abroad with a French mobile number that could not be authenticated.

So, when you see “numéro masqué” displayed on your cell phone, it will mean one of the following:

  • that the person calling you has chosen to hide their number;
  • that the phone number could not be authenticated for technical reasons (without prejudging the legitimacy of the call).

If you’re not expecting a call from someone you know may prefer to mask their phone number, you should be vigilant to the possibility it is a scam call.

Telephone operators have technical protocols in place to verify the authenticity of a subscriber's “roaming” number (the system that allows a subscriber to use their phone when travelling in a foreign country or in a national area not covered by their operator's infrastructure).

These protocols are being implemented gradually. Currently, more than 80 percent of calls made by French subscribers while roaming are authenticated by these protocols. 

Once they are fully deployed, telephone operators will be able to distinguish between genuine calls from roaming subscribers and fraudulent calls made from abroad using a spoofed mobile number.

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Анекдот дня по итогам голосования за 22 декабря 2025

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Распределили на подводную лодку лейтенанта. Спустился он в центральный пост, собралось командование (командир, старпом, зам, помощник и т.д.). Спрашивают:
- Ну что, лейтенант, умеешь?
Отвечает:
- Умею с закрытыми глазами любое количество водки на любое количество стаканов поровну разлить.
Командир старпому:
- Бутылку водки в центральный пост и семь стаканов.
Завязывают лейтенанту глаза для чистоты эксперимента. Он берет бутылку и одним махом разливает по стаканам. Точно поровну.
Командир обводит всех строгим взглядом и говорит:
- И чтобы никто не проболтался, иначе в штаб заберут.
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The Chanukah candle still burns bright // Jews must remain defiant

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  • Synagogue security: Guards in combat gear frisked worshippers at Sydney's Great Synagogue on Yom Kippur; Deauville shul door preserved as arson reminder.
  • Holocaust remembrances inert: Diaspora Jews express sympathy for historical events but fail to prevent antisemitism's return through liberal narratives.
  • Recent Sydney attacks: Bondi Beach slaughter and murders of Rob and Michelle Reiner prompt Jewish families to debate relocation amid rising savagery.
  • Campus antisemitism: Ivy League presidents equivocate on calls for Jewish murder; unarmed police praised, Jewish parents send children into hostile environments.
  • Passivity as surrender: Warsaw Jews yielded firearms hoping for safety; modern equivalent in offering children to antisemitic institutions.
  • Antisemitism's roots: Not caused by Jews but love of hatred; all crime is hate, self-defense essential after millennia of vulnerability.
  • Chanukah miracle: True wonder was Jews lighting insufficient oil lamps as commanded, defying despair despite threats.

Some years back, I was in Sydney during the Jewish High Holidays. On Kol Nidre, the evening beginning Yom Kippur, I went to the Great Synagogue. Guards in full combat gear interrogated, frisked, and wanded the entering congregants.

Several years previously, I’d gone to Shabbat Services in Deauville. The synagogue door was burnt black and blistered from the fire that had been set the previous Yom Kippur, and the shul members decided to preserve it as a reminder. Back in the Seventies, the reminder was constant. Every day we Jews in Chicago and New York saw tattoos on the left arms of our neighbours.

These days, Holocaust Remembrance Ceremonies, however well intentioned, are inert. For, in the Diaspora, young Jews unaffected by antisemitism, and removed from living reminders of outrage, were invited to express sympathy for what were, to them, historical characters. (Israeli Jews, of course, spent and spend entire lives facing the reality of savagery.) We American Jews mouthed “never again”, but did nothing to prevent the reoccurrence. Our comfortable, old-school liberal attitude of “we must change the narrative” was essentially sedative. We did nothing to “change the narrative”. This was not indictable as there was no “narrative”. There was simply the endorphin of permitted brutality.

This year’s Erev-Chanukah, the day before Chanukah, broke with the news of the slaughter of Sydney Jews. That evening, when we first heard of the murder of Rob and Michelle Reiner, we assumed that it was more antisemitic savagery, and, at our Chanukah table, our actual Holocaust Remembrance was that husband-and-wife conference which has been going on intermittently for 2,000 years: “Oh my God, is it time to move…?” The traditional Jewish conference was intermittent as, with most potentially vast changes, it is always too early, save when it is too late.

At its release in 1982, someone wrote of Sophie’s Choice that it was “Mandingo for Jews”. I have always loathed the film subgenre of Jew Porn, allowing folk to feel they are experiencing Good Will for watching actors portray “The Other” being thrown into The Oven.

The inescapable notion that Jews are The Other inspires and allows us to be treated as other-than-human. The crocodile sympathy of moviegoers, and devotees of Anne Frank, Fiddler on the Roof, and so on, is expressed for Jews as victims. And only as victims. The Jew, here, given an award for passivity. Not only is the award moot, it is not even extended to a real Jew.

Forty thousand firearms were taken from the Jews of Warsaw before the Nazis exterminated them. The Jews, of course, hoped to better their position by acquiescence. Hope is the placebo of the powerless. But it is not a strategy.

Violence is a constant and universal possibility. That it can be deterred by Good Feelings was disproved, rather dramatically, by the slaughter of young Israelis at a music festival on October 7.

Some years back I was tasked with taking my niece on a college tour of Brown. The student guide showed us this and that on the beautiful campus, and pointed to a phone kiosk. “There’s one every hundred yards,” he said. “Which will summon our gloriously unarmed Campus Police.”

“We American Jews mouthed ‘never again’, but did nothing to prevent the reoccurrence.”

I thought, at the time, that the University must be a congeries of fools. Not so much as their cops were unarmed (that was, to my mind, simply a dereliction of common sense, understandable in an institution largely engaged in make-believe), but that its representative was selling to prospective buyers, the notion that to be unprotected was laudable — an attitude certainly of interest to the violent. To announce to the world that campus cops were unarmed was merely stupid. To praise that folly was delusion on the order of “changing the narrative”.

A few years back, three Presidents of the Ivy League were called to Congress to testify about their schools’ passivity about antisemitism. Each was asked if the calls on campus for the murder of Jews were antisemitic, and each responded: “it depends on the context.”

Why would any Jewish parents then allow their kids to attend these schools? I’d be pleased to term it a “mystery”; but it is no mystery, it is a horrible passivity — not even the (understandable) dismissal of danger as statistically remote, but something finally much worse — a sort of death wish.

That Jewish parents send their Jewish children to institutions which allow, encourage, and so ensure, antisemitism is an act of sacrifice. It is an endorsement of the majoritarian’s right to oppress the Jews, in the hope the gift will forestall further violence. For the Warsaw Jews it was the surrender of their guns, in the Ivy League, the offer of our children.

These institutions offer Jew-baiting as an extra-curricular activity. What possible benefit could our children derive there which would offset the trauma of their abandonment?

The beleaguered Jewish student there can either embrace passivity as a necessary survival strategy, or — horribly more likely — march with the antisemites calling for the eradication of Israel — an apostasy which would spare them as little as did the Warsaw surrender of firearms.

Jew Hatred isn’t caused by Jews.

The Chanukah celebrants at Bondi Beach, the dancing kids on October 7, the Ivy Jews sheltering in Hillel, neither these nor those they’re persecuted for resembling did anything to inspire hatred. That something in their DNA, appearance, or religious beliefs excuses their persecution is delusional. It’s not a hatred of Jews, but a love of hatred.

Is antisemitic speech and violence a Hate Crime? All crime is hate crime; there is no such thing as Love Crime. To mete out justice based on the ethnic or religious status of the victim or the prejudices of the perpetrator is insanity. We’re all human beings as equal in our legitimate desires for safety as we should be in accountability for our acts.

Jews have been persecuted for 2,000 years because we were defenceless. Since the establishment of the Jewish State, we’ve been reviled because we asserted our right to exist, independent of permission.

Moses fled Egyptian luxury not alone because he slew the taskmaster, but because he was denounced by the Jew he saved. He was heartbroken. After the appearance of Moses, most of the Jews in the Torah plead, scheme, and betray in order to return to Egypt, which is to say, to the security of slavery.

Slavery is the sole possible state of that which the liberal mind celebrates as “equality”. To aspire to it is not merely wrong, it is immoral. For, in preferring subjugation to self-determination, we not only choose for ourselves, but provide example to those groups of which we are members.

My Brown graduate niece, now 43, wears a Free Palestine t-shirt; and the Jews of the world’s largest Jewish city have just elected an antisemite mayor.

On Erev-Chanukah, last Saturday, we neighbourhood Jews gathered, as planned, to light candles. But the day began with the slaughter on Bondi Beach, and ended with the murders of our Community members, the Reiners.

We were grieving, which is to say, in a state of Cognitive Dissonance. Nothing made sense save that nothing made sense. The last thing we wanted to do was to abandon the safety of our grief for a “religious celebration”. Then an elder explained the Miracle of Chanukah.

We all knew that the desecrated Temple had to be rededicated, that the resanctification required illumination of the sacred lamps. We knew, from childhood, that there was Only Enough Oil to burn for one day, but that the Jews lit the lamps and they burned for the required eight days. We all knew the persistence of the lamps was a miracle; but the Rabbis wrote that the true miracle was not the length of the lamps’ illumination, but that the Jews, knowing the oil was insufficient, lit the lamps in any case. As commanded.

After we heard the story, and, still grieving, we lit the lamps.

As Chanukah is, finally, the Festival of Lights, I’ll end with this note: in Sydney, at the Great Synagogue, I was in line, waiting to be frisked, and a man behind me said, “Aren’t you David Mamet?” I admitted I was. He wished me an easy fast, and a Good Inscription in the Book of Life, and said he was honoured I’d come to his shul.

I asked his name, and he told me. He was the shul’s Rabbi. The line had moved up, and the armed guard saw us talking and asked, “Rabbi, shall I just pass him in…?” “Nah,” the Rabbi said, “frisk him.”

Happy Chanukah.


David Mamet is an American playwright, film director, screenwriter and author. He was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Glengarry Glen Ross.


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Poland has turned on its Ukrainians // Violence against refugees is soaring

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  • Ukrainian refugees' fears: Many in Warsaw avoid speaking Ukrainian publicly due to hostile stares, aggressive encounters, and incidents like pepper-spraying.
  • Decline in welcome: Initial aid to 1.5 million refugees has shifted to vandalism of support centers and attacks on Ukrainian children, including beatings.
  • Historical grievances: Polish resentment stems from WWII Ukrainian nationalist massacres of Poles and 1947 Operation Vistula displacing 140,000 Ukrainians.
  • Economic contributions vs. backlash: Ukrainians generate 2.7% of Poland's GDP and fill labor gaps, yet face scapegoating amid farmers' protests over grain imports.
  • Polling shifts: Majority of Poles now oppose Ukraine's NATO/EU entry, favor reduced military aid, and limit benefits to working refugees.
  • Political rhetoric: Populist leaders demand priority for Poles in services and resolution of wartime issues before Ukrainian integration.
  • Security incidents: Sabotage attacks and drone incursions linked partly to Ukrainians tied to Russian intelligence heighten tensions.
  • Migration concerns: Recent influx of 100,000 military-age Ukrainian men after travel ban lift draws criticism as taxpayer burden for deserters.

“I am afraid to speak Ukrainian on the street,” says Iryna, a 30-year-old Ukrainian refugee living in Warsaw with her young daughter. “I feel nervous, especially with a small child, that someone might come and speak aggressively to us. I’ve seen the hostile stares on buses and trams. Even when I’m on my own I don’t speak Ukrainian on the phone. I don’t understand this dramatic shift in mood.”

Having fled her home in western Ukraine in the early days of Russia’s invasion, Iryna recalls the warm welcome received at first. Locals offered food, homes, and clothing to the more than 1.5 million refugees who poured over its border. “We were treated very kindly,” she says. Yet just in the last months, the mood has shifted alarmingly.

Iryna is far from alone in her anxieties. Several other women I met at a UNITERS Foundation centre, a charity in the Polish capital offering support to Ukrainians, spoke of similar fears. One pensioner from war-torn Zaporizhzhia was even pepper-sprayed outside an optician’s. “Now I try not to speak Ukrainian on the streets. If there are gatherings of Poles, my son recommends I stay away and watch out for myself.”

Hostility is surging. The centre’s windows have been smashed several times, and state funding has now been terminated. In Przemyśl, a rail hub by Ukraine’s border, the mayor removed the blue and yellow scarf from a big teddy bear in the Christmas market after an outcry. In the Baltic coast region, a school teacher called his Ukrainian teenager pupils “scum”, while other youngsters spat on and beat the refugees so badly that one was left with a broken nose. One pupil also reportedly played recordings of bombs falling on Ukraine while yelling “time to hide” at his victims.

Poland is far from unique in seeing rising resentment to refugees. But these are people fleeing a neighbouring country riven by war, not some distant land with an alien culture. Moreover, Poland too is a country that suffered from Moscow’s repression for decades — it shares Ukraine’s loathing of Russia and helped lead Europe’s initial response to Vladimir Putin’s assault on Kyiv. But attitudes have changed and show how bitter political struggles over the future, often entwined with unresolved perceptions of the past, are erupting across the West. Sensitive historical fissures underlie this transformation, combining with an all too familiar catalogue of modern issues — disinformation, migration, populism, security, technology and trade battles — to create a highly combustible political environment.

“This is not yet a catastrophe but it is a new challenge for us,” says Miroslaw Skorka, chairman of the Association of Ukrainians in Poland. “For Poland, the story about victory over the Ukrainians was very important for post-war communist identity. So even during that explosion of support in 2022, a part of the population stayed silent. Now there is a schizophrenia: we need Ukrainians in the labour force to work and help grow our economy, but immigrants get scapegoated in schools and on the streets.”

“If there are gatherings of Poles, my son recommends I stay away and watch out for myself.”

Living on our island nation, with borders that have been fixed for centuries, British people often forget the turbulence endured by those living in the regions that historian Timothy Snyder has called the “bloodlands” of central and eastern Europe. Thousands of ethnic Poles were murdered in the Second World War by nationalists seeking to create an independent Ukraine, then many Ukrainians were in turn killed in savage retaliatory violence. In 1947, after the communist takeover, about 140,000 Ukrainians — including Skorka’s family — were forcibly moved in Operation Vistula from their homes in south-eastern regions to western areas taken from Germany in order to break up their community and curb support for insurgents, resulting in much hardship.

This left lingering historical sores on both sides — and these have been inflamed by resurgent nationalism, divisive politicians and the Kremlin’s adroit abuse of social media to spread discord in democracies. The sharp decline in sympathy for Kyiv is highly significant in a country that spent years warning complacent politicians in the West about Moscow’s expansionism, and that moved rapidly to bulk up its own armed forces in response to Putin’s aggression. Recent surveys of Poles have indicated that the majority oppose their neighbour joining either Nato or the European Union, and almost half want to reduce military support.

According to Marta Prochwicz, deputy head of the European Council on Foreign Relations in Warsaw, the nation remains united over its core approach to Russia. “Poland is as anti-Russian as Ukraine — it’s practically impossible to find pro-Russian attitudes in Poland. At the start of the war, the public mood was very supportive. Because of the common threat, the automatic, knee-jerk reaction of the party in power was to give military equipment to Ukraine straight away.”

When Vladimir Putin attacked Kyiv, the ruling party of Poland was the conservative Law and Justice (PiS). It had governed since 2015 and presided over a period of controversial judicial reforms, an abortion ban and the harsh anti-LGBT rhetoric. Yet faced with a looming election and the strong threat from the rival liberal party, led by former EU president Donald Tusk, PiS tried to fire up voters with populist policies and stunts. They unsuccessfully demanded Second World War reparations from Germany, backed farmers protesting against cheap grain flooding the market under an EU deal designed to help Kyiv, and urged Zelensky to apologise for wartime massacres by nationalists 80 years earlier.

Despite Tusk’s party winning the subsequent election, the stirring up of those issues had lasting effects. Farmers protesting at the border, and the increased talk of exhuming graves of massacre victims, started to turn the mood against Ukrainians. Donald Trump’s return to the White House accelerated these changes.

This year’s bitter, hard-fought presidential contest also saw the unexpected victory of populist historian Karol Nawrocki, an independent backed by PiS. Nawrocki opposed Kyiv’s accession to the EU or Nato until “important civilisational issues” for Poland were resolved — referring to the wartime massacres by Ukrainian nationalists — while proposing to give Poles priority access to benefits, doctors and schools.

This has led to tussles with Tusk over extending support to refugees, although the prime minister — weakened by his party’s failure to win the presidency — has ruled out sending troops to back a ceasefire in Ukraine. Last month, Nawrocki agreed for “the last time” to extend legal status for Ukrainians until March, leaving their future uncertain. This is despite studies suggesting that more Ukrainians work in Poland than in any other European nation and that they generated 2.7% of the country’s GDP in the last year. Meanwhile, sabotage attacks and September’s drone incursion into Polish airspace rattled many citizens — especially after two Ukrainians linked to Russian intelligence were identified last month as suspects behind some rail blasts.

The flood of people over the border highlights how Poland — with its fast-growing economy and rapid post-Soviet modernisation — has transitioned from a nation of emigration to one that offers alluring prospects as well as sanctuary. After Russia’s invasion, the million Ukrainians who came to Poland, joining the 1.3 million already there, were typically from more middle-class backgrounds than the earlier waves of “invisible migrants” working in low-paid jobs in fields and factories. Yet as one screenwriter with three university degrees tells me, she decided it was better to return home and endure Putin’s bombs than to be repeatedly offered cleaning jobs. “It is not a problem to clean some toilets — but it is a problem if I have to do this for the rest of my life.”

Now a new influx of men aged between 18 and 22 is further fuelling concerns, given reports that at least 100,000 men have reportedly left Ukraine after the ban on adult males going abroad was lifted in August. Among them is Roman Melnyk, 22, an English teacher from Kyiv I met at Warsaw station. “This is my first day abroad in my whole life,” he says, explaining that even his soldier father had urged him to leave their war-torn country. Yet these refugees have been less warmly received than predecessors. “We should not allow Ukrainians of military age into Poland,” was the response of the far-Right Confederation party. “Poland cannot continue to be a haven for thousands of men who should be defending their country, yet burden the Polish taxpayer with the cost of their own desertion.”

In contrast with the war’s early days — when the Polish president received a standing ovation in parliament for declaring that Ukrainians were not refugees but guests — polling now shows that opposition to accepting Ukrainian refugees is at its highest (at 45%) since responses started being recorded following Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. And most Poles now believe too much assistance is being offered, saying benefits and health care should only be offered to refugees working and paying taxes.

Research has also shown that the words most associated with Ukrainians on social media are “demanding” and “cunning”. One analysis found that 94,000 anti-Ukrainian posts appeared on X in just over four months this year, often linking Ukrainians to sabotage attacks in Poland or anti-Polish atrocities in the Second World War. Pro-Russian accounts have also blamed Ukraine for the recent drone incursions. And these stories feed neatly into Russian disinformation narratives, which the army has described as a key part of Russia’s strategy of “cognitive warfare”.

Putin’s disinformation tricks have undoubtedly intensified the political divisions and hostility towards refugees. During the presidential campaign, for instance, seven cities received fake emails supposedly from Ukrainian House, a leading cultural and support centre, seeking consent for demonstrations in support of Nawrocki’s main rival. It emerged later they included a word left untranslated from Russian. “How can you be a Polish nationalist and repeat divisive narratives that obviously have their roots in the Kremlin?,” asked Ben Cope, the NGO’s director of programmes.

Yet Olena Babakova, an academic, journalist and migration researcher who moved from Kyiv 17 years ago, believes it is wrong to overestimate the Kremlin influence. “I often attend meetings with Polish politicians and when I ask why relations are poor, they blame Russian propaganda. And it was the winning presidential candidate who said the Polish NHS should develop an algorithm to automatically move Ukrainians to the end of the line for doctors so Poles could be first. If that is not racist, what is?”

She argues that refugees get scapegoated for wider economic and political failures. These are all familiar issues being discussed from Washington and Westminster through to Warsaw. Yet towards the end of our conversation, Babakova unwittingly echoes the British-Hungarian writer Gitta Sereny, who wrote about the complicity of a similarly passive society that refused to confront uncomfortable truths in darkening times.

“I have friends who tell me they limit their public presence in cafes, supermarkets or on the street in order not to be insulted,” Babakova says. “It is not that all Poles are anti-Ukrainian but the voices of a hostile minority, perhaps about 20%, have become so loud while the majority stays silent. Ukrainians who tell me they have experienced hate speech and violence always say the biggest problem is not that they were assaulted — but that everyone around them was silent.”


Ian Birrell is an award-winning foreign reporter and columnist. He is also the founder, with Damon Albarn, of Africa Express.

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How Lina Khan Killed iRobot - WSJ

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  • Roomba’s End: iRobot filed for bankruptcy after 35 years, framed as consequence of government intervention.
  • Blocked Acquisition: Elizabeth Warren and progressives convinced regulators to halt Amazon’s $1.7 billion bid for iRobot in 2022.
  • Antitrust Rationale: Regulators feared Amazon would dominate robotics and collect intimate data through Roomba technology.
  • Chinese Competition: Article notes that iRobot’s rivals were primarily Chinese firms rapidly gaining market share.
  • FTC Opposition: FTC chair Lina Khan opposed the deal, joined by European regulators, leading to its termination in 2024.
  • Layoffs and Outsourcing: After the collapse, iRobot cut 31% of its workforce and moved non-core engineering overseas.
  • Tariff Impact: Trump-era tariffs on Vietnam raised costs despite later reductions, contributing to operational challenges.
  • Outcome: iRobot is now being acquired by Chinese contract manufacturer Picea, illustrating the unintended consequences of the antitrust block.

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The maker of the Roomba vacuum cleaner, iRobot, filed for bankruptcy Sunday after 35 years in business. An obituary might describe it as a victim of government assassination. Overzealous antitrust cops egged on by Sen. Elizabeth Warren stuck in the knife. President Trump may have dealt the death blow with his tariffs.

We explained at the time how Ms. Warren and progressives in the Biden Administration thwarted Amazon’s attempt to buy iRobot in 2022. They claimed the $1.7 billion acquisition would unfairly augment Amazon’s lead in robotics and home devices. They also said the Roomba would enable Amazon to hoover up data and spy on Americans.

Opinion: Potomac Watch

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The President claimed in a rare primetime Oval Office address that the economy is doing well and will boom in 2026. Will it persuade the public? Plus Paul Gigot and Matthew Continetti on Trump's best and worst decisions of the year.Read Transcript

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Amazon is “‘almost universally recognized’ as the leader in warehouse and fulfillment robotics space,” Ms. Warren and other progressives wrote to Biden Federal Trade Commission Chair Lina Khan in September 2022. The deal “would open up a new market to Amazon’s abuses.” Heaven forefend Amazon would use robots to make chores less laborious, as it has for warehouse work.

“Amazon stands to gain access to extremely intimate facts about our most private spaces that are not available through other means, or to other competitors,” leftwing groups wrote to the Biden FTC. They omitted that iRobot’s main competitors were Chinese companies, which were fast stealing market share. Beijing wants to dominate robotics.

In January 2024, Amazon and iRobot called off the deal amid opposition from Ms. Khan’s FTC and Europe’s antitrust regulators. The Biden FTC issued a statement saying it was “pleased.” Amazon CEO Andy Jassy quipped that regulators trusted Chinese firms “more than they do Amazon.” Less pleased are the U.S. workers who subsequently lost their jobs.

After the deal collapsed, iRobot said it would cut 31% of its workforce and send overseas “non-core engineering functions to lower-cost regions.” Even then, the Bedford, Mass.-based company continued to struggle against Chinese competitors. Amazon’s backing might have helped it innovate into new robotics fields that Chinese firms hadn’t penetrated.

Mr. Trump’s tariffs may have been the fatal punishment. The company had shifted production to Vietnam to minimize its trade exposure to China. It was smacked all the same by Mr. Trump’s 46% Liberation Day tariffs on Vietnam. Mr. Trump later cut the tariffs to 20% in a deal with Vietnam, but iRobot said the trade uncertainty made it hard to operate.

The ironic culmination to the story: iRobot will now be taken over by its Chinese contract manufacturer Picea, which also makes competing household devices. By scuttling the Amazon acquisition, antitrust regulators have strengthened Chinese robotic competitors and driven jobs overseas. Will Ms. Khan and Ms. Warren take a bow? Probably not.

Politicians worry about robots and artificial intelligence killing jobs. The far bigger threat is clumsy government interventions that make a mess out of markets.

Journal Editorial Report: Tech companies and U.S. lawmakers are watching.

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'Mayhem and chaos': Europe's airports demand urgent review of new border system

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The association of European airports called on Thursday for an urgent review of the new EU border system, amid “mounting operational issues” that could affect the holiday season.

In a letter to the European Commission, Airport Council International, ACI Europe, said if problems are not resolved by January, “additional flexibility” will be needed in the roll-out of the system.

The EU Entry/Exit System (EES) is implemented in EU countries (except for Cyprus and Ireland), as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland.

Introduced on October 12th after years of delay, the EES requires EU travellers entering Europe's Schengen open-borders zone to register personal data and provide biometric information at the first border crossing. Self-service kiosks are deployed at airports for that purpose, with information also checked by border guards.

The data will be held in digital form in an EU-wide database. This will gradually replace the manual stamping of passports and should make it easier to identify overstayers or flag security issues.

READ MORE: What will EES border checks mean for non-EU residents in Europe?

But issues with the IT infrastructure led to many delays in the launch of the system. After several postponements, it was decided to introduce the EES gradually over six months, with not all border crossing points going live at the same time, or not collecting full information, in a bid to address emerging issues at specific locations. Since the launch, however, major queues were reported at several airports.

The association of European airports said in a statement on Thursday: “The progressive scalingup of the registration and capture of biometric data from third country nationals entering the Schengen area has resulted in border control processing times at airports increasing by up to 70 per cent, with waiting times of up to 3 hours at peak traffic periods”.

“This is severely impacting the passenger experience, with airports in France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Italy, Portugal and Spain especially impacted,” the statement added.

ACI Europe said the current situation “reflects the combination of several operational issues”. These include regular outages of the system, configuration problems and partial deployment or unavailability of selfservice kiosks, unavailability of Automated Border Control (ABC) gates for EES processing at many airports, the lack of an “effective preregistration app” and “insufficient deployment of border guards”.

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The letter was addressed also to the EU agency which operates large-scale IT systems in the area of immigration, euLISA, the European border agency Frontex, and Schengen countries.

ACI EUROPE Director General Olivier Jankovec said: “Significant discomfort is already being inflicted upon travellers, and airport operations impacted with the current threshold for registering third country nationals set at only 10 per cent.

"Unless all the operational issues we are raising today are fully resolved within the coming weeks, increasing this registration threshold to 35 per cent as of 9 January — as required by the EES implementation calendar — will inevitably result in much more severe congestion and systemic disruption for airports and airlines. This will possibly involve serious safety hazards.”

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He added: “We fully understand and support the importance of the EES and remain fully committed to its implementation.

"But the EES cannot be about mayhem for travellers and chaos at our airports. If the current operational issues cannot be addressed and the system stabilised by early January, we will need swift action from the European Commission and Schengen member states to allow additional flexibility in its rollout.”

Have you been caught up in delays at Europe's airports because of EES? Please share your experiences with other readers in the comments section below.

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bogorad
6 days ago
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Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain
cherjr
7 days ago
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